Archive for the ‘Child Abuse’ Category

According to the U.S. Census Bureau, a child is borne every 4.2 seconds.   Out of the nearly four million births in the United States each year, 1.25 million children are abused.  Of those, four children die daily from abuse and neglect.  Sixty one percent of those children are victims of educational, physical and emotional neglect.   Forty four percent are victims of physical, sexual and emotional abuse.  The numbers alone are alarming.  And further still, those who do physically survive their abuse and neglect suffer emotionally and mentally from childhood, through adolescence and even into adulthood.

Anxiety, depression, behavioral disorders; these diagnoses are only a few of the words used to try to explain the effects of cruelty exhibited in mistreated children.  And although there are many mental illnesses that are treated and kept under control with medicine and/or therapy, some illnesses are more severe than others.  Attachment Disorder and Reactive Attachment Disorder require some of the most aggressive treatments, and although with years of hard work from doctors, parents, and of course, children, there is no cure.  Thus, when a child with these diagnoses are thrown into the system, there can be both great healing and success or, in an unfortunate reality, they are only further damaged by the instability of multiple foster homes and care givers.  One would think that those responsible for the well –being of abused and neglected children would take every precaution to not aggravate their already unstable mental conditions.

What reason, then, could the court system have for allowing a child diagnosed with Attachment Disorder and Reactive Attachment Disorder to continually move from home to home?  Considering these two disorders are both incurable, the idea of bouncing unstable children from foster home to foster home is absurd.  According to research from a myriad of therapists including the Mayo clinic, children suffering from attachment disorder view the world very differently than others; usually, these children view those around them as unpredictable and unavailable.  Because their original parent was unavailable, abusive, and rejecting, they feel that all care providers are.  Further, according to The Family Attachment and Counseling Center, one of the best therapies available to these children is a long and nurturing relationship with a trusting care provider.  It then, goes without saying that moving children with Attachment and Reactive Attachment Disorder multiple times only further damages their psyche.

So what would happen to a child who is continuously moved, and in their mind only further rejected from another parent figure(s)?  According to the Mayo Clinic,

“…there[s] little research on signs and symptoms of reactive attachment disorder beyond early childhood. It may lead to controlling, aggressive or delinquent behaviors, trouble relating to peers, and other problems. While treatment can help children and adults cope with reactive Attachment Disorder, the changes that occur during early childhood are permanent and the disorder is a lifelong challenge.”

And the changes these children suffer are immense.  The complications they experience include delayed learning, poor self-esteem, delinquent or antisocial behavior, relationship problems, temper or anger problems, depression, anxiety, physical growth, severe eating problems and malnutrition, academic problems, drug and alcohol addiction, inappropriate sexual behavior, and unemployment or frequent job changes.

The fact is, those children diagnosed with these issues can live a normal life with the help of one stable environment, a constant parental figure and therapy both parent and child actively attend and practice.  Up to ninety-two percent of families who actively work through therapy show significant improvement.

About the Author

Karen Jean Matsko Hood is not only a well rounded and educated person, but a role model for those around her.  She is not only an adoptive and foster mother of sixteen children, but is also a teacher, writer, researcher, poet, and friend to both humanity and the environment.  Through her book readers from all walks of life will be touched and even inspired by the works Ms. Hood has chosen as her life’s path.  And as Ms. Hood invites you into her life and introduces you into her world, you will see how she is truly a legitimate source in the world of children’s rights, environmental preservation and motherhood.

For more information, you can contact the author at her office below:

Karen Jean Matsko Hood

507 N. Sullivan Rd. Suite LL-7

Spokane Valley, WA 99037 USA

Phone: (509) 924-3550 Fax: (509) 922-9949

karensblog.net

karenjeanmatskohood.com

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Study Examines Economy, Baby Abuse

posted by Dr. James G. Hood
Wednesday, June 16, 2010

This article and the helpful hints that follow may be very important information for caregivers of newborns.

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This appears to be a national issue.  I am on a workgroup with Seattle Children’s Hospital that has a goal of fully implementing The Period of PURPLE Crying, a promising prevention strategy, with the birthing hospitals in our state.

Study examines economy, baby abuse

By Amanda Pierce

Deseret News

Published: Wednesday, May 19, 2010 12:25 a.m. MDT

OGDEN — A weakened economy may be to blame for a rise in the number of shaken baby syndrome and abusive head trauma cases, according to a new study presented at the Pediatric Academic Societies’ annual meeting in May.

The study, conducted at the Children’s Hospital of Pittsburgh and headed by Dr. Rachel Berger, assistant professor of pediatrics, shows the additional stress on families during the economic downturn may cause parents to unintentionally injure their babies, according to the National Center on Shaken Baby Syndrome located in Ogden.

According to the center, Berger’s study shows the number of shaken baby syndrome cases rose from 4.8 per month in December 2007, the start of the recession, to 9.3 per month since that date. In the study, 63 percent of the 512 cases of abusive head trauma from the four hospitals evaluated resulted in the child being admitted to a pediatric intensive care unit. Sixteen percent resulted in death.

Brian Lopez, marketing director for the National Center on Shaken Baby Syndrome, said the study is especially important to the state with the highest birth rate — Utah.

“Utah is well-known for being family-friendly and hungry for information that can lead to better care for their children,” Lopez said.

One of the center’s programs, the Period of PURPLE Crying, was created in 2002 and first implemented in 2007 after three years of testing, he said.

The goal of the program is to help educate parents about the period of PURPLE crying, a developmental stage all infants experience, by distributing free 10-minute DVDs and 11-page informational booklets to new parents.

During this normal developmental stage, an infant may cry for up to five hours without cause, Lopez said. This stage begins when the newborn is 2 weeks old and ends when he or she is 4-5 months old.

Dr. Ronald Barr, a developmental pediatrician, came up with the PURPLE acronym, which stands for: peak of crying, unexpected, resists soothing, pain-like face, long lasting and evening.

According to the National Center on Shaken Baby Syndrome, the acronym is supposed to help parents realize the baby’s crying will increase over time, come and go sporadically, continue despite the parents’ attempts to soothe the child, create the impression of pain when there is none, last five or more hours per day and peak in the evening when the parents are more likely to be tired.

“The program creates an easy way for parents and caregivers to understand the normalcy of early infant crying through the use of the PURPLE acronym,” Lopez said. “This information gives parents realistic expectations of crying as it pertains to a new infant.”

Utah was the first state to implement a statewide PURPLE program. As of 2009, all birthing hospitals in Utah have the program, Lopez said.

Since its creation, the PURPLE program has spread to 289 hospitals and organizations and is now present in 45 states.

“It’s important for people to share the PURPLE message with parents and caregivers of new babies,” Lopez said. “We ask that people take an easy, online pledge promising to talk to anyone who cares for a baby about the Period of PURPLE Crying.”

To take the pledge or for more information visit www.purplecrying.info.

Tips to Soothe Your Crying Infant

1. Feed your baby. Hunger is the main reason a baby will cry.

2. Burp your baby. Babies do not have a natural ability to get rid of air built up in their stomach.

3. Swaddle your baby. Learn more about swaddling by clicking here

4. Give your baby a lukewarm bath. A great soothing technique, but remember to never leave your baby unattended.

5. Massage your baby. A gentle massage on a baby back, arms, or legs can be very comforting.

6. Give your baby a pacifier. Use sparingly, because if used when your baby isn’t crying, it may prove to be ineffective.

7. Make eye contact with your baby and smile. Eye-to-eye contact with your baby when they are crying can distract and comfort them.

8. Kiss your baby. This can help lessen the tension during fierce crying episodes.

9. Kiss the bottom of your baby’s feet. A baby’s feet are one of the most sensitive spots on their body, light kisses on their feet can help turn a challenging situation into a happy one.

10. Sing Softly. Lullabies were created because of their effectiveness at calming crying babies.

11. Reassure your baby with soft words like “it’s ok”. This can help comfort you and your baby during a difficult crying episode.

12. Hum in a low tone against your baby’s head. Dad’s usually do this soothing feature best.

13. Run a Vacuum Cleaner. The noise from a vacuum is referred to as white noise which is any sound produces a loud, neutral, masking sound. Babies find these noises hypnotizing.

14. Run a Dishwasher. Dishwashers have different cycles of white noise which some infants find soothing.

15. Take your baby for a ride in the car. The vibrations from a car have a sleep inducing effect on babies. Always make sure your baby is secure in a rear-facing car seat in the back seat.

16. Rock your baby in a rocker. Rocking your baby in a chair can be very relaxing for you and your baby.

17. Push your baby in a stroller. A stroller ride is the next best thing to a ride in a car.

18. Place your baby in a car seat on top of a running dryer. This is a classic soothing technique, but use caution. Never leave your baby unattended.

19. Put your baby underneath a lighted mobile. The sounds, lights and movements of a mobile can be very amusing and entertaining for a baby.

20. Dance Slowly. Dancing can be fun for both you and your baby and allows for a variety of soothing movements.

The list above is not an all inclusive list as there are many other things you can try to calm your baby’s crying.  Remember… while many of these techniques will work most of the time, nothing works all the time and that is okay.  This does not mean there is anything wrong with you or your baby.

2955 Harrison Blvd.     • Suite 102     • Ogden, UT 84403     • Phone: (801)627-3399     • Fax: (801)627-3321     • mail@purplecrying.info

FEEDBACK

Department of Social and Health Services

Jeff Norman, MSW
Program Manager
Region 4 DCFS

100 W. Harrison St., Ste S400

Seattle, WA 98109
206-691-2520 Office
206-409-2026 Cell
206-281-6288 Fax
jeff.norman@dshs.wa.gov

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Playing the Psychologist: The Importance of Cultural Competence

posted by khood4208
Friday, May 28, 2010

Society has struggled throughout history to explain and manage individuals with  abnormal mental states, and as a result of society’s quest for understanding, three major explanations have developed: the supernatural, biological, and psychological. More recently, psychologists have argued that the combination of biological and psychological factors are the most likely causal factors of psychopathology (Barlow & Durand, 2005). Realizing that psychological disorders are caused by psychological and biological factors is important for the implementation of effective treatment; however, clinicians and researchers must also be aware of and sensitive to a particular individual’s culture in order to properly diagnose a psychological disorder. Additionally, cultural knowledge is necessary to off set the negative stigma that society may be attributing to a particular psychological disorder or psychological abnormalities in general.

Taking a step back and looking through a cultural perspective at the actions of a particular individual acting in his/her respective culture is extremely important. A culture deems what behaviors are normal (acceptable) in its own culture. What is normal in one culture, therefore, could be deemed completely unacceptable or could even be classified as a psychological disorder in another culture. A careful mental health practitioner would therefore be sure to understand the cultural nuances of a patient’s culture in order to avoid an inappropriate diagnose and respective treatment for a patient which could result in a patient being hurt rather than helped. For instance, a patient may develop symptoms of a particular mental disorder even though the initial diagnosis was incorrect because the patient could experience the self fulfilling prophecy.

After determining that a patient actually has a psychological disorder based on the guidelines for behavior in the patient’s particular culture, then a responsible mental health practitioner must be aware of society’s feelings toward that particular disorder and act accordingly. In the past, psychological disorders were viewed in a variety of negative ways that greatly marginalized or even physically inflicted harm on individuals with psychological disorders. For the most part, the negative perception of individuals with psychological disorders continues to this day.

The negative perception of psychological disorders is harsher towards individuals on the “extreme” end of the psychological spectrum. Pop culture points out and/or creates examples of schizophrenic or individuals with some sort of personality disorder that exhibit wild behaviors. These behaviors are often exaggerated for dramatic effect and cast in a clearly negative light.

Individuals in a different subset of psychological disorders, however, are often viewed as people with small problems that can easily be remedied. The show, Monk, depicts a detective with Obsessive Compulsive Disorder. However, the detective’s disorder is not viewed as a detriment, but rather as an interesting quirk that provides comic relief and ingenious insight into his profession. Furthermore, with the rising popularity of pharmeceutical drugs, more and more people are taking medications for depression or certain anxiety disorders. More people being treated in a more public setting means that the norm for these treatments and their corresponding ailments is becoming more widely accepted. The new emphasis on the biological factors contributing to these disorders also helps alleviate the previous stigma because now the problem is more like a headache being treated with pills instead of an inexplicable problem of a particular individual’s human nature.

Knowing society’s particular viewpoint towards a specific mental malady is essential for beneficial treatment. By realizing society’s perspective a mental health practitioner will realize the obstacles that a patient may be facing. The realization will allow the mental health practitioner to outline an effective coping strategy for the patient.

Cultural competence is something that a clinician and/or reseracher must posess in order to best help an individual suffering from a psychological disorder. Realizing the dual nature of the psychological disorder involving both psychological and biological factor is important, but the cultural perspective must be explored to find its definition of normal behaviors and to determine the positive and/or negative attributions given to each respective psychological disorder.

References

Barlow, D. & Durand, M. (2005). Abnormal Psychology. Belmont: Thomson Wadsworth.

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Playing the Psychologist: Causes of Anxiety Disorders

posted by khood4208
Friday, May 28, 2010

Running head: THE ETIOLOGY OF ANXIETY DISORDERS

The Etiology of Anxiety Disorders: A Biological, Cognitive, and Experiential Perspective

Kyler Hood

 

 

Abstract

This paper explains the diagnosis of anxiety disorders and examines biological, cognitive, and experiential studies pertinent to the exploration of anxiety disorders. Genetic predisposition, increased brain activation to nonthreatening situations, negative interpretation bias, positive bias, bullying, and lack of social support are all aspects related to the formation of anxiety disorders. Research suggests that increased brain activation to nonthreatening social stimuli along with a prevalent negative interpretation bias, reduced positive interpretation bias, a genetic predisposition, increased bullying in childhood, and lack of social support all contribute to the formation of anxiety disorders. Future studies on the role of these multiple factors in anxiety disorders will need to be conducted concurrently (if possible) and individually, so interactions can be assessed for causality and correlation more confidently.

The Etiology of Anxiety Disorders: A Biological, Cognitive, and Experiential Perspective

People suffering from anxiety disorders typically exhibit symptoms of anxiety and/or excessive worrying that negatively affects all levels of everyday interactions (Friedman, 2001). Greenberg et al. (1999) found that millions of adults have been diagnosed with some sort of anxiety disorder, which costs the United States over 42 billion dollars annually . Anxiety disorders clearly present a problem to the American populace, so understanding the nature and cause of anxiety disorders is crucial for preventing and treating anxiety disorders. Numerous empirical studies explain the biological, cognitive, and experiential factors that contribute to the creation of anxiety disorders, but few have been able to examine all three as concurrent contributing factors (Mineka & Zinbarg, 2006). In this article, the biological, cognitive, and experiential causes/correlated factors of anxiety disorders will be discussed. When the different types of causes or correlations coexist then an anxiety disorder is more likely to develop. This article also addresses the multiple causal factors in the hope that a greater understanding of the contributing factors that lead to the development of anxiety disorders will lead to greater prevention and treatment for anxiety disorders.

Biological Causal Factors

By comparing participants’ neural responses to facial images showing either anger or no emotion, investigators determined that the amygdala plays a role in the expression of emotions  

(Morris, Frith, Perrett, Rowland, Young, Calder, et al., 1996; Straube, Kolassa, Glauer, Mentzel, & Miltner, 2004). More specifically, the amygdala, right insula, and superior temporal sulcus for the most part exhibit a stronger response in participants with anxiety disorder especially in response to angry facial expressions (Morris et al.; Straube et al.).  Straube et al. showed that participants with anxiety disorder consistently exhibited pronounced activations in the amygdala, right insula, and superior temporal sulcus, but more replications with a greater sample size are needed to determine how the range and complex interactions affect each of these regions of the brain in participants with an anxiety disorder.  

Genetic Factors

Hettema, Prescott, Myers, Neale, and Kendler (2005) found that two genetic components make individuals more likely to develop an anxiety disorder from the category of generalized and panic anxiety (including agoraphobia) not phobias. These genetic factors do not differ as causal factors between men and women. Correlations exist between specific environmental factors to a specific anxiety disorder and some general correlations exist between environmental factors across several disorders (Hettema et al.).

Psychophysiological Factors

Hermann, Ziegler, Birbaumer, and Flor (2002) compared people suffering from social phobia to healthy control participants by examining each group’s different responses to unpleasant conditioning with two expressionless faces being conditioned stimuli and an unpleasant smell as an unconditioned stimulus. The investigators analyzed various physiological responses of the social phobics versus the healthy control participants in order to ascertain each individual’s conditioned responses to the stimuli. Researchers predicted that people diagnosed with social phobia would show a more pronounced response to the stimuli than the control participants. During habituation to the stimulus, people with social phobia demonstrated higher arousal ratings than the control participants and those people with social phobia did not make a distinction between the positive and negative conditioned stimuli. People suffering from social phobia also exhibited higher arousal ratings to the stimulus and showed a greater corrugator muscle response. The researchers concluded that people afflicted with social phobia are more apt to negatively interpret neutral stimuli (Hermann et al.).

Cognitive Factors

Certain people have a different way of processing events cognitively that seems to contribute to the development of anxiety disorders. Amin, Foa, and Coles (1998) examined negative interpretation bias in participants with generalized social phobia (GSPs) and obsessive compulsive disorder (OCD). The researchers hypothesized that the participants with social phobia or OCD would interpret ambiguous experimental scenarios more negatively than the control participants would in the same scenarios. The investigators determined the disorder or phobia groups by having incoming participants take the depression inventory and anxiety depression scales. Amin et al. then had each group fill out questionnaires that asked each group questions concerning how they would respond to various social and nonsocial scenarios.  Sample questions like the ones used in the questionnaire were provided with the study and the questions may have a problem with social acceptability bias. The reader can easily see the positive, negative, or neutral mood that is evoked from each response and he/she may want to give a positive response instead of a true to life response. By examining the evidence people with GSPS, Amin et al. found that the data supported the hypothesis that people with anxiety tend to interpret scenarios more negatively especially in social scenarios.  The researchers found that OCD participants did not perceive the outcomes of social scenarios as negatively as GSPS participants, but both GSPs and OCD participants interpreted social events more negatively than the control group did as a whole. The GSPs and OCD participants’ negative interpretations serve a microcosm for the negative interpretation bias found within the broader category of anxiety disorders.

In addition to having a negative interpretation bias, participants that later develop anxiety disorders have a dysfunctional positive bias. This conclusion makes the reader wonder if researchers looked at negative interpretation bias with a new perspective and renamed it impaired positive inferential bias. However, Hirsch and Matthews (2000) predicted that participants with social phobia will either continuously construe neutral encounters negatively at the moment of the encounter, or participants with social phobia only judge encounters looking back with a negative viewpoint. Using these hypotheses, the researchers tested for bias by giving the participants from the control and experimental groups lexical word puzzles that gave them information on the biases because of the way each group responded. The investigators found that individuals without anxiety make positive impressions constantly in their mind while people with anxiety disorders do not. Anxious participants also did not process external cues in encounters and typically had early social failures; both of which contributed to later anxiety. Experimenters will need to conduct more replications of this experiment, and other modified forms, however, because the extensive reading tasks required for this experiment may have caused undue stress which would significantly hinder the results of the experiment (Hirsch & Matthews).

Hirsch and Matthews found that positive bias is impaired in people with anxiety disorders, and other researchers found a complex correlation between explicit memory and anxiety disorders. Becker, Roth, Andrich, and Margraf (1999) conducted 2 experiments. In the first experiment, researchers gave participants from three groups words to examine (people came from the generalized anxiety disorder group, the control group or the social phobia group). The investigators gave the participants words related to generalized anxiety disorder, and phobia along with neutral and positive words. The participants rated each word they received according to three categories: personal relevance, excitingness, and pleasantness. Becker et al. found that the participants with generalized anxiety disorder scored the highest (when compared to the social phobia and control group) in psychopathology and also had higher levels of depression. Becker et al. then performed a free recall test that assesses the number of words a participant can remember from a neutral, positive, or disorder specific word category. Becker et al. found that explicit memory for generalized anxiety disorder or social phobia participants did not occur for words associated with anxiety or emotional words indicating that anxious people do not exhibit selective memory.

In experiment two, however, the researchers found evidence supporting the claim that anxious individuals demonstrate a negative selective memory. Becker et al. tested if participants with panic disorder and agoraphobia would selectively recall anxiety related words. The researchers conducted the experiment in a similar fashion as experiment one. Becker et al. found that participants showed a selective memory for disorder specific words. The results of both experiments seem irreconcilable because the first experiment rejected the hypothesis that people with anxiety disorders selectively remember negative stimuli while the second experiment supported it. These concurrent experiments support the idea that selective memory in anxiety disorders may only be related to certain anxiety disorders. However, several replications of these experiments and modified versions of them will need to be conducted to provide more conclusive results.

            Although support for a negative selective memory is unclear, researchers found clear support indicating that people with anxiety disorders often avoid social encounters because they view themselves extremely negatively. Voncken, Alden, and Bogels (2006) conducted an experiment in which participants read different vignettes with a main character interacted in 1 of 3 different ways: admitting that he/she is anxious, hiding the anxiety, or continuing indifferently. The participants rated the character’s social interactions positively or negatively and then the participants rated each scenario again as if they were put in as the main character. The researchers found that people with anxiety disorders live by a double standard in which they view others’ behavior more leniently while their own behavior is viewed much stricter and more negatively. Voncken et al. determined that anxious individuals often avoid people in small ways such as no eye contact, or any behavior that will hide their own anxious behavior. This avoidance behavior often leads to more negative outcomes than if the anxious individual would try not to avoid the social situation. People with anxiety disorders believe that stating that they have an anxiety disorder will draw out a negative response from others; however, people usually view being open to discussion about personal issues positively.

 Despite the compelling data, the experiment conducted by Voncken et al. contained several limiting factors. The tests for a participant’s response in a particular social assessed the interaction with a written vignette. A written vignette may not accurately describe how an anxious person would actually respond in a real life situation. Furthermore, investigators only studied a small portion of the population of anxious individuals which may not accurately reflect population trends. Only women participated in the experiment, so researchers did not assess gender differences in anxious individuals (Voncken et al.).

Experiential Factors

            Social support in adolescence weakly correlates with social anxiety later in life. Casyln, Winter, and Burger (2005) conducted a study using college students and comparing socially anxious individuals with a control group. Students completed a questionnaire assessing past childhood experiences. The investigators found that only a weak correlation between social anxiety and social support in adolescence exists. The directionality of causality between social anxiety and social support was impossible to determine. The sample came only from college students which limited the ability to generalize the results.

            In addition to the weak correlation between social support and anxiety, bullying in childhood strongly correlates with depression and anxiety in adulthood. Gladstone, Parker, and Malhi (2006) conducted an experiment in which participants filled out a questionnaire and underwent an interview that asked about past childhood experiences. Gladstone et al. found that several factors contributed to being victims of bullying: shy temperament, sickness, and parents being extremely authoritarian. Bullied children often exhibited high levels of depression and anxiety, but the direction of causality between these factors was impossible to determine. Investigators found a strong relationship between ill-treatment by parents including indifference, being extremely controlling, sexual mistreatment, and bullying in childhood. People with anxiety disorders often exhibited feelings of isolation, sadness, confusion of who they are as a person, and a tendency to leave social situations that could cause or be caused by bullying (Gladstone et al.). The investigators’ experiment may have been limited because participants did not say if they ever acted as bullies themselves and the experiment rested solely on parents’ recall of past events in their child’s bullying experiences (Gladstone et al.).

Conclusions

            Anxiety disorders are not caused by any single factor. Anxiety disorders are caused and/or correlated with factors on the biological, cognitive, and experiential levels. On the biological level certain genes predispose people to increased levels of anxiety and depression. The amygdala, right insula, and superior temporal sulcus respond more strongly in people that exhibit anxious symptoms. At the cognitive level, anxious individuals typically interpret situations negatively and they cannot give a situation a positive impression. Anxious individuals seem to selectively remember negative experiences, but the experimental results are mixed and more replications are necessary to confirm that assumption. People with anxiety disorders often avoid social encounters because they are overly self critical and afraid of making an embarrassing mistake. Lack of social support and bullying are strongly related to the development of an anxiety disorder. However, most researchers agree anxiety disorders are not well researched and many more replications examining negative selective memory will need to be conducted to establish if that is a true phenomenon. Many experiments are also needed to explore the causes and correlations of anxiety disorders such as examining participants with past bullying experiences and a negative interpretation bias in comparison with those who have past bullying experiences and no negative interpretation bias (both could develop anxiety disorders or each only a respective group, but either way the results of this study would provide useful data).

References

Amin, N., Foa, E.B., & Coles, M.E. (1998). Negative interpretation bias in social phobia. Behavior Research and Therapy, 36, 945-957.

Becker, E.S., Roth, W.T., Andrich, M., & Margraf, J. (1999). Explicit memory in anxiety disorders. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 108, 153-163.

Casyln, R. J., Winter, J. P., & Burger, G. K. (2005). The relationship between social anxiety and social support in adolescents: A test of competing causal models. Adolescence 40, 103-113.

Friedman, S. (2001). Anxiety and anxiety disorders. Mental Health, 1-5. Retrieved October 15, 2006 from  http://healthyplace.healthology.com/mental-health/article83.htm

Gladstone, G.L., Parker, G.B., & Malhi, G.S. (2006). Do bullied children become anxious and depressed adults? The Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, 3, 201-208.

Greenberg, P.E., Sisitsky, T., Kessler, R.C., Finkelstein, S. N., Berndt, E.R., Davidson, J.R.T., Ballenger, J.C., &  Fyer, A.J. (1999). The economic burden of anxiety disorders in the 1990s . Journal of Clinical Psychiatry, 60, 427-435.

Hermann, C., Ziegler, S., Birbaumer, N., & Flor, H. (2002). Psychophysiological and subjective indicators of pavlovian conditioning in generalized social phobia. Society of Biological Psychiatry, 328-337.

Hettema, J.R., Prescott, C.A., Myers, J. M., Neale, M.C., & Kendler, K. S. (2005). The Structure of genetic and environmental risk factors for anxiety disorders in men and women. Archive of General Psychiatry, 62, 182-189.

Hirsch, C. R., &  Mathews A. (2000). Impaired positive inferential bias in social phobia. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 4, 705-712.

Mineka, S. & Zinbarg, R. (2006). A contemporary learning theory perspective on the etiology of anxiety disorders.  American Psychological Association, 61, 10-26.

Morris, J.S., Frith, C.D., Perrett, D.I., Rowland, D., Young, A.W., Calder, A.J. et al. (1996). Nature, 383, 812-814.

Straube, T., Kolassa, I., Glauer, M., Mentzel, H., & Miltner, W. (2004). Effect of task conditions on brain responses to threatening faces in social phobics: An event-related functional magnetic resonance imaging study. Society of Biologic Psychiatry, 56, 921-930.

Voncken, M.J., Alden, L.E., & Bogels S.M. (2006). Hiding anxiety versus acknowledgment of anxiety in social interaction: Relationship with social anxiety. Behavior Research and Therapy, 44, 1673-1679.

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Running head: ANTISOCIAL PERSONALITY DISORDER

 Diagnosing Antisocial Personality Disorder in Girl, Interrupted

Kyler Hood

 

After watching the Virginia Tech incident unfold, society must face the disconcerting reality that mental disorders exist and must be dealt with in a positive, straightforward matter in order to promote a smoothly functioning society and to prevent future atrocities. Unfortunately, however, people often cannot personally interact with people suffering from mental disorders in order to learn the symptoms and how these disorders can best be treated and prevented. The movie, Girl, Interrupted, provides the next best alternative by providing a nearly accurate depiction of a woman afflicted with Antisocial Personality Disorder.

Criteria

In order for an individual to meet the criteria outlined in the American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders for Antisocial Personality Disorder, several determining factors must be met. A continual pattern of disrespect and violation of others’ rights must have been occurring since the age of 15, and the individual must currently be at least 18 years of age. Three or more of following disruptive behaviors must be characteristic of the individual: “1. Failure to conform to social norms with respect to lawful behaviors as indicated by repeatedly performing acts that are grounds for arrest. 2. Deceitfulness, as indicated by repeated lying, use of aliases, or conning others for personal profit or pleasure. 3. Impulsivity or failure to plan ahead. 4. Irritability and aggressiveness, as indicated by repeated physical fights or assaults. 5. Reckless disregard for safety of self or others. 6. Consistent irresponsibility, as indicated by repeated failure to sustain consistent work behavior or honor financial obligations. 7. Lack of remorse, as indicated by being indifferent to or rationalizing having hurt, mistreated, or stolen from another” (Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 4th edition, American Psychiatric Association, 2000). Furthermore, an individual is likely to have had Conduct Disorder before becoming 15 years old and the DSM-IV-TR states explicitly: “The occurrence of antisocial behavior is not exclusively during the course of Schizophrenia or a Manic Episode” (APA, 2000). These criteria provide a framework for the diagnosis of ASPD, however, some experts feel that further distinction is necessary: ‘“Rogers and colleagues had this to say about the situation: As noted by Hare (1998), DSM- IV does considerable disservice to diagnostic clarity in its equating of ASPD to psychopathy”’ (Hare, 2006).

Epidemiology

            Antisocial Personality Disorder (ASPD) is found in approximately 1% of women in the general public (APA, 2000) Lewis (2006) notes that “prevalence increases 12-fold among samples of alcohol-dependent women in the general population”; therefore, ASPD prevalence is increased in female offenders. For men, the disorder is found in approximately 3% of the population, and population approximations in clinical settings range from 3%-30% (APA, 2000). The disorder is often considered a “man’s disease” because “Research shows that men are two to eight times more likely to have antisocial personality disorder than women” (Black, Men’s Mental Health).

Clinical Picture

            A sociopath has significant personality traits and associated emotional characteristics that differentiate individuals from the general population. Defining personality traits include being: “grandiose, arrogant, callous, dominant, superficial, and manipulative”, and emotional characteristics include being: “short-tempered, unable to form strong emotional bonds with others, and lack, empathy guilt, or remorse (Hare, 2006). Hare also points out that individuals with ASPD also exhibit a “proneness to boredom, shallow affect, lack of empathy, irresponsibility” and “…promiscuous sexual behavior” (Hare, 2006). All of these sociopathic traits make individuals with APSD extremely likely to be placed in the criminal justice system, although not all individuals get incarcerated. The high rate criminal activity committed by psychopaths makes understanding the disorder’s etiology a prime priority for treating it (Hare, 2006; Black, Textbook of Men’s Mental Health).

            In addition to the personal predisposition that a person exhibits, environmental and social variables contribute to the development of APSD.  Environmental factors include several elements including, but not limited to the way the future psychopath was raised (enforced or not strictly enforced respect for authority, the level of exposure to violence, punishments for misbehavior). Social factors include, but are not limited to the number of family levels, the number and levels of social support, and the associated positive or negative impacts of those social supports (Black, Textbook of Men’s Mental Health). Since these environmental and social factors contributing to ASPD are qualitative and not easily measured, they are not discussed in great depth. Instead, a more overarching, empirically-supported theme becomes apparent. According to the DSM-IV-TR, a strong correlation exists between a low socioeconomic status coupled with urban setting and the development of ASPD.

            Genetic and familial origin also play important roles as precursors to the development of ASPD. The DSM points out that “Antisocial Personality Disorder is more common among the first-degree biological relatives of those with the disorder than among the general population” (APA, 2000). Adoption studies also indicate that the disorder took place more often in individuals that were related to ASPD afflicted individuals than unrelated subjects (Black, Men’s Textbook of Mental Health; Crowe, 1974). Hare acknowledges the importance of genetic and familial factors for the development of ASPD, but he stresses that the combination of all factors—genetic, familial social, and environmental—are all important for the development of ASPD.

            Environmental, social, genetic, and familial factors are not the only contributors to the development of ASPD; growing evidence supports the fact that individuals with the disorder have a predisposed disposition towards antisocial behavior. Osumi, Shimazaki, Imai, Sugiura, & Ohira (2007) tested psychopathic individual’s cardiovascular responses to movies that typically arouse heightened physiological response as a result of the unpleasant stimulus. The results indicated that individuals with ASPD showed a decreased physiological response to unpleasant stimuli depending on the type of stimuli (Osumi et al., 2007). In a magnetic resonance imaging study, Kiehl et al. found drastically less affective related activity in the amygdala/hippocampal regions of the brain (Kiehl et al. 2001; Black, Men’s Textbook of Mental Health).

Course and Prognosis

            The signs and symptoms of the ASPD typically begin in adolescence when the individual demonstrates little or no respect for authority, which often causes trouble with parents and peers and at school. Furthermore, the individual may experience contact with law enforcement as lower level crimes such as theft are committed. Since violent, and/or sexually aggressive tendencies often bring the individual in conflict with the law, symptoms of Conduct Disorder are prerequisites for the development for Antisocial Personality Disorder (Black, Textbook of Men’s Mental Health). If the individual demonstrated some of the symptoms for Conduct Disorder before the age of 15 and continues to exhibit remorseless, impulsive, and/or negative behaviors, at the age of 18 the individual is diagnosed with ASPD (APA, 2000).

            After the ASPD diagnosis, the condition continues throughout the afflicted individual’s life, although research indicates that symptoms lessen through the natural aging process. In the Textbook of Men’s Mental Health, Black reports “One estimate is that antisocial personality disorder remits at the rate of about 2% per year”. Even if individuals progress and exhibit more socially acceptable forms of behavior, individuals may have to deal with symptoms of the disorder that return.

            Given the nature of ASPD, the outcome for the afflicted appears especially bleak. The heart of the disorder involves a lack of guilt, which means that individuals will not actively seek and gain any sort of benefit from the usual methods of treatment for individuals with psychological disorders (Hare, 2006). Without treatment the disorder will continue indefinitely with only slight lessening of symptoms (Black, Textbook of Men’s Mental Health).

Diagnostic Considerations

            A wide variety of the different disorders or negative behavior patterns could cause antisocial behavior patterns; however, persistent patterns of antisocial behavior set the diagnosis of ASPD apart from most other disorders. The first consideration should be the individual’s history of substance use. If the individual severely abuses substances, the effects of the drugs could be the causal factor instead of a habitual cycle of antisocial behaviors that started in adolescence. Furthermore, if the detrimental behaviors only take place during Schizophrenia or a Manic episode, and symptoms are not correlated with Conduct Disorder than the individual cannot be diagnosed with ASPD. Manipulation and the appearance of carelessness are also features of Narcissistic Personality Disorder; therefore, a diagnosis of ASPD requires that these symptoms also involve being rash and contentious coupled with a past symptoms or a diagnosis of Conduct Disorder. People suffering from Histrionic Personality Disorder are also careless, shallow, thrill seeking, scheming, and seductive; however, individuals with HPD usually do not engage in antisocial activities, they typically embellish expressed emotions (APA, 2000).

            In order to differentiate ASPD from Borderline Personality Disorder and Paranoid Personality Disorder, the motivations for the individual’s actions must be assessed. People with BPD manipulate others in order to receive affection or some type of physical reward. They also alternate more between emotions and are less antagonistic than people with ASPD. Furthermore, unlike ASPD, individuals with Paranoid Personality Disorder are antisocial in order to gain revenge on someone. Individuals with ASPD, however, engage in antisocial behavior in order to take advantage of people or benefit themselves in some way (APA, 2000).

            Criminal behavior and ASPD share the characteristics of aggression, antisocial behavior, and manipulation, but characteristics associated with ASPD are more chronic and engrained in an individual. Unlike someone involved in criminal behavior, someone with ASPD will not change their ways, and the continuing antisocial behavior results in pronounced impediments in functional tasks of everyday life. Furthermore, individuals with ASPD usually are significantly concerned about their disorder.

            ASPD often co-occurs with other disorders including Anxiety Disorders, Depressive Disorders, Substance-Related Disorders, Somatization Disorder, and Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder. Any disorders involving the harnessing of impulses are possibilities for individuals with ASPD. Furthermore, the likelihood of developing ASPD also increases if psychological professionals previously diagnosed the individual with Conduct Disorder (APA, 2000).

Treatment

            The nature of ASPD makes treatment extraordinarily difficult. Individuals with ASPD will likely not even seek initial treatment because they do not feel remorse for their behaviors, and the “unneeded” treatment will likely prove ineffective. Furthermore, afflicted individuals are manipulative, so they can use a therapist as a mere pawn in order to gain a decreased prison sentence or some other type of reward for themselves (Hare, 2006; Thornton & Blud, 2007).

            Even with ASPD’s particularly bleak prognosis, researchers are suggesting new methods for treatment that hopefully will prove successful in the future. All individuals with ASPD possess differing levels of psychopathy; therefore, each individual must receive treatment that is specifically designed to promote the most positive change in that individual. To accomplish this task, mental health practitioners must focus on psychological features (associated with behaviors) that are most malleable in response to treatment. Care providers must also work on eliminating the behaviors of afflicted individuals that are detrimental to the overall treatment of the individual. In addition, treatment methods themselves such as the use of self report must be modified, so that they are not subject to deceit or manipulation by the clients. Since afflicted individuals are particularly conniving, staff must be carefully trained how to deal with clients, and procedures must be clearly outlined in order to prevent patient co-opting. Treatment providers must appeal to the short-term focus of psychopaths, not a long term or other person focus, because otherwise treatment will prove ineffective. Societal approved behavior must receive more benefits than antisocial behavior, and treatment must remain constant (the positive effects of treatment may vary in an individual, but previous behavioral patterns have the possibility of remission). The treatment provided must be adaptive in that it responds to the diverse characteristics of an individual. Furthermore, when individuals make life transitions, they require supervision even if treatment has been lessened or stopped, and cognitive behavioral therapy should be used. If someone must decide who requires the most attention, younger individuals with signs of the disorder should be given treatment first because they are most responsive to treatment (Thornton & Blud, 2007).

Multiaxial Diagnosis of Lisa Rowe

Axis I: None.

Axis II: Antisocial Personality Disorder

Axis III: Nicotine Addiction

Axis IV: Unemployment. Often in trouble with the law. No stable home environment. Inadequate social support. Committed to a psychiatric ward and escapes in a cyclical fashion. Participates in sexual acts for money.

Axis V: GAF= 35 (at the beginning of the movie); GAF= 44 (at the end of the movie)

Summary of Movie

            Girl, Interrupted is a movie that centers on the character, Susanna Kaysen. Susanna has been experiencing severe depressive episodes which significantly impair her functioning and make her unpleasant to be around. As a result, Susanna checks herself into a mental institution where she meets individuals with a wide array of psychological problems. The diverse spectrum of personalities makes every experience interesting, and as Susanna continues treatment she befriends Lisa, a sociopath that pushes Susanna to bend the rules and have a good time (whether it be bowling after hours, hurling insults at past acquaintances, or singing energetically to a locked away companion). Eventually, however, Lisa takes things too far. She berates their friend, Daisy, relentlessly until, pushed to the brink, Daisy kills herself. Afterwards, Susanna witnesses Lisa’s alarming lack of remorse, and she realizes something about herself. She may have problems, but she still cares about other people. From that moment onward, Susanna resolves to get better until by the end of the movie, she is released. Susanna finally realized that unlike the people that will likely remain in the psychiatric ward indefinitely or for most of their lives, her problem was simply a meaningful interruption in the larger scheme of her life.

Movie Evaluation

            In the beginning of Girl, Interrupted, Angelina Jolie’s depiction of Lisa Rowe as an individual with Antisocial Personality Disorder was accurate. Lisa swaggered back into the psychiatric ward as if she owned the place. “It’s good to see you again” she said to one of the occupants. Clearly this was not Lisa’s first act of antisocial behavior, which stays true to the symptoms of the disorder—antisocial behaviors are recurrent.

            As Lisa gets coerced into the psychiatric ward and stumbles upon Susanna, the accurate portrayal of her disorder continues. The first noticeable characteristic is that when she shows up, Lisa appears to be in handcuffs. The viewer must assume that she has had an incident with law enforcement, and now is being forcibly returned for treatment. People with the disorder often are in trouble with the law, and do no actively seek out treatment unless forced or there is some material gain. Finally, Lisa erupts in fiery rage shouting: “Who the fuck are you? Where’s Jamie?” As with most sociopaths, Lisa demonstrates considerable rage and belligerence that rise to the surface quickly.

            The ranting and the escort by the psychological personnel demonstrate another characteristic of psychopaths: they have no respect for authority. Lisa openly mocks the rules of the psychiatric personnel as they escort her to the living quarters. Afterwards, Lisa yells and swears at the doctors, and barricades the doors.

            In response to the escalating situation, the mental health authorities quickly whisk Lisa away for treatment, which consists of medications, shock treatments, and what appear to be sedatives. As the viewer finds out later, none of the treatments seem to work in the long term for Lisa, and that is in conjunction with the true nature of the disorder in the real world. Historically, mental health practitioners have tried many methods including cognitive behavioral therapy, shock treatment, and medications. Some populations have shown slight improvements with certain forms of treatment, but the results are inconclusive, so Lisa’s misfortune in the movie is accurate.

            In the days following her first unpleasant introduction, the Lisa continues to display the symptoms of carelessness consistently found in individuals with ASPD. Janet’s statement sums up how Lisa acts: “Lisa thinks she’s hot shit because she’s a sociopath”. Sociopaths characteristically do have feelings of grandiosity and a somewhat cool demeanor about themselves.

            Sociopaths are also controlling and manipulative. In one way or another Lisa seems to always get whatever she wants from people. Sometimes Lisa will get them giving up medication or working together to sneak into the bowling alley or giving her money and a place to stay (even though the benefactor is dead). Even the “friendship” between Lisa seems to be something that lasted only as long as it was beneficial to Lisa.

            In addition to the manipulative wiles of sociopaths, Lisa demonstrates a careless disregard for all social norms. Lisa swears whenever and at anyone (including people that socially would require even greater respect). Lisa also violates the social norms about sex because she recounts being permissive for money, and she talks more explicitly than is considered appropriate. Lisa remarks to a hospital supervisor: “Fuck his brains out”.

            Relishing social taboos seems not to be Lisa’s only vice because she frequently can be seen puffing on a cigarette; psychopathic individuals often possess Substance Disorders. As a result of Lisa’s impulsive behaviors and rebellious attitudes towards social norms for healthy living (not smoking), she suffers from a nicotine addiction.

            Lisa also exhibits the complete lack of remorse that is one of the defining features of the disorder. Every time she lies, steals, or talks about past escapades Lisa never feels guilty. Usually, Lisa will simply make a joke about whatever she is doing because she does not care enough (actually not at all) to take the situation seriously. The most alarming example of Lisa’s complete detachment is when she sees Daisy hanging, a circumstance that she contributed to with her rash, cruel remarks. After Susanna calls for an ambulance (a normal response), Lisa sarcastically remarks: “An ambulance? Better make it a hearse”. Lisa then goes on to tell Susanna that she is stupid for caring, but only after she has stolen the dead women’s money. Afterwards, Lisa takes her things and leaves her “friend” behind without a second thought.

            Although appalling to the viewers and the corresponding characters in the story, Lisa’s actions in the story have been consistent with the diagnosis of ASPD; however, her response to Susanna’s confrontation was not something a person with the disorder would likely do. In response to Lisa’s thoughtless reading of her personal diary and constant carelessness, Susanna explodes: “No one cares if you die, Lisa, because you’re dead already. Your heart is cold…It’s pathetic”. As a result of Susanna’s tirade, Lisa responds with similar anger that would be expected of someone with ASPD. Then, however, Lisa quickly turns into a sobbing mess, and is sorry for her promiscuity and cruelness to others. Although such a response is touching and constitutes a heart warming end for a great movie, Lisa’s sudden guilt and regrets are not true to life. People suffering from ASPD will get better with age, but only through an incredibly gradual process. Even if individuals do recover substantially, individuals often relapse.

            Despite the movie’s one inaccurate depiction, the movie, Girl, Interrupted, accurately depicted ASPD, and it managed to be entertaining the whole time. Therefore, anyone looking for a crazily enjoyable movie should sit down and watch it.

References

American Psychiatric Association: Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 4th Edition, Text Revision. Washington, DC, American Psychiatric Association, 2000

Black, D. W. Antisocial Personality Disorder, Conduct Disorder, and Psychopathy. Textbook of Men’s Mental Health. 143-170.

Crowe RR: An adoption study of antisocial personality. Arch Gen Psychiatry, 31: 785-791, 1974.

Hare, D. R. (2006). Psychopathy: A Clinical and Forensic Overview. Psychiatric Clinics, 709-721.

Kiehl, K. A., Smith, A. M., Hare, R. D., Mendrek, A., Forster, B. B. et al. (2001). Limbic abnormalities in affective processing by criminal psychopaths as revealed by functional magnetic resonance imaging. Biological Psychiatry, 50, 677-684.lk

Lewis, C. (2006). Treating Incarcerated Women: Gender Matters. Psychiatric Clinics, 29, 773-789.

Osumi, T., Shimzaki, H., Imai, A., Sugiura, Y., & Ohira, H. (2007). Psychopathic traits and cardiovascular responses to emotional stimuli. Science Direct, 42, 1391-1402.

Thornton, D., & Blud, L. (2007). The Influence of Psychopathic Traits on Response to Treatment. In Herve, H., & Yuille, J.C. (Ed.), The Psychopath: Theory, Research, and Practice. (pp. 505-539). Mahwah, NJ: London.

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